Deterrence or Compellence ?
Lisbon-Portugal/ December 2000
Afif Safieh
It is normal that the emergence of a new international system should be
accompanied by new trends and new schools of thought in the study of
international relations. In this respect, the conference organised by the
Portuguese Institute for Strategic and International Studies:
"Multilateralism in the 21st century" has been most illuminating.
I wish to offer a short reflection on four themes emanating from the state
of affairs in the Middle East:
A) Unwritten alliances: Unfortunately major players in the game of
nations decided to inject as little input as possible in the Middle East
peace process. This policy of self-inflicted impotence, reduced to
facilitating the dialogue and to financing the process, left the
negotiating exercise at the mercy of the balance/imbalance of power with
the Israeli leadership constantly tempted to dictate rather than
negotiate.
Israel enjoys 3 overwhelming military superiorities in the Middle East:
- nuclear monopoly with what ever this might imply;
- conventional superiority vis-à-vis any combination or coalition of
Arab
countries;
- an unwritten alliance with the only remaining superpower. For
Israel, an
unwritten alliance is even better than a formal and written alliance. It
has
all the advantages of alliances without the restraint that usually
accompanies alliances. In an unwritten alliance, the senior partner is
not
accountable for the behavior/misbehavior of the junior partner that can
pretend to be an "undisciplined ally" with no consequences.
B) Strategic asset or liability?: Israel, in previous decade marketed
itself in leading circles as a strategic asset for Western interests, a
bastion against possible Soviet expansionism at a moment when the Arab
world was ruled by Jamal Abdel Nasser and militant Ba'athism…etc Today the
regionalsystem is dominated by profoundly pro-western conservative
governments. They all are unreasonably reasonable in their demands and
expectations, no more questioning Israel's existence but its 1967
expansion.
Israeli intransigence is today defying, delegitimizing and
destabilizing
this pro-western regional system and with public opinion, from Morocco to
Mascat, revolted against what is perceived as American complacency with
Israeli expansionist policies. American perceived inactivity vis-à-vis the
containment of Israel can turn Israel into a liability and burden on
American
global and regional interests.
Some hope that a new Republican administration in Washington, more mindful
of
the American national interest, will prove to be less docile to Israeli
preferences. For over 5 decades the U.S.A. have given Israel much aid and
occasionally some advice. Israel systematically took the aid and left the
advice aside. The incoming administration will be well -advised to link
the
disbursement of the aid with Israeli acceptance of American advice.
C) Deterrence or compellence? Israel constantly invokes the security
dimension to explain its policies from claims for territorial
rectifications to closures imposed on Palestinian society and economy etc.
The concept of "dissuasion" or "deterrence" is extremely familiar in
the study of international relations. It covers the policy of the
state-actor in the international system that aims at dissuading and
deterring other actors in the system from undertaking actions or adopting
policies that might be harmful or detrimental to one's interest or
security. I personally believe that another concept -compellence-
formulated decades ago by Thomas Schelling helps to better understand
Israeli regional policies. Compellence, according to the under-exploited
concept of Schelling, is a policy that tends to compel or coerce the
environment into adopting policies that suit best one's own interests.
Israel's policy towards Lebanon in 1982-83 aiming at satellizing this
neighboring state was pure "compellence " that backfired. The way Israel
dealt with the Palestinian side, all throughout the years of peace
process, aimed at producing a Palestinian entity that would be
subordinated to and subjugated by Israel with sovereignty restricted,
territorial contiguity prohibited, frontiers with neighboring countries
denied,…
D) Democracy and diplomacy: With the approach of the Israeli anticipated
elections, Palestinians are constantly advised to accept Barak's proposals
because "it is the best offer you will ever get". Such advice usually
comes from circles that are resigned to the fact that Israelis can set the
ceiling of the possible and the permissible.
Henry Kissinger was known for his pro-Israeli inclinations. Even he was
profoundly exasperated by Israeli inflexibility in 1973-74 during his
shuttle diplomacy of Middle Eastern capitals. He often complained: "Israel
has no foreign policy. Only domestic politics".
In Israel the belief is that peace is a compromise formula half way
between Shamir and Sharon, between Labor and Likud, between Barak and Bibi.
I believe we will not have peace in the Middle East until and unless the
Israelis are told in the most unequivocal manner that peace is too
important to be left to the Israelis to decide upon. The international
community should spell out clearly what is expected from Israel whoever is
in power. In that way, the Israeli electorate will choose their candidates
in function of their experience/inexperience, their charisma or its
absence, their social and economic policies and not the degree of their
territorial appetite. Israel
should be made to understand that the international will has primacy on
the national whim.
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